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Ancora New York Times : con i "cambiamenti",maggiori diseguaglianze sociali e poverta' en la Isla
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Ancora New York Times : con i "cambiamenti",maggiori diseguaglianze sociali e poverta' en la Isla
Da mosquito Mer 25 Feb 2015 - 3:15
http://www.martinoticias.com/content/ny-times-apunta-un-futuro-mas-desigualdades-economicas-y-raciales-en-cuba/87365.html
El lento acercamiento hacia la economía de mercado y los recientes cambios adoptados por la Administración Obama son objeto de un artículo en el diario New York Times, que sostiene que sólo han traído más desigualdad y pobreza para Cuba.
La riqueza, en forma de lujosos restaurantes en los que se sirve filet mignon o pato a la naranja, y los apartamentos de alto standing, conviven con la realidad de Cuba: Casas derruidas y un menú que no suele salirse de los escasos huevos que se pueden comprar y algunos plátanos.
La otra vida, como apunta el Times, está reservada ahora para los cubanoamericanos que regresan para visitar a su familia y que se pueden permitir esos caprichos.
En los lugares donde no existen familiares que envíen remesas, las circunstancias son muy duras para los cubanos. Simplemente no hay dinero, según relata el artículo, y las condiciones de las casas son notablemente peores. "Nadie va a los paladares y mucho menos tiene el dinero para abrir uno", asegura el Times describiendo la vida en estos rincones de la isla.
Por ese motivo, apunta, si Cuba abre la puerta definitivamente a las empresas privadas, la brecha entre los que tienen y los que no tienen –y entre los blancos y los negros– que la Revolución trató de disminuir será más evidente. Más si cabe ahora que Estados Unidos ha incrementado la cantidad de dinero que los cubanoamericanos pueden enviar de $2.000 a $8.000.
Una pareja de jóvenes cubanos hacen su pedido a través del wifi en un negocio privado, en La Habana.Una pareja de jóvenes cubanos hacen su pedido a través del wifi en un negocio privado, en La Habana.
Ese dinero, de acuerdo al diario norteamericano, hará a un grupo de cubanos más ricos, pero convertirá a una gran parte de la población en más pobre también: Se agudizarán las diferencias sociales entre quien tiene nexos con Estados Unidos y quien no. Porque las remesas son, a día de hoy, una de las principales fuentes de ingresos nacionales, estimadas entre 1 y 3 billones de dólares anuales. Junto al turismo, los productos farmacéuticos y las exportaciones de azúcar son uno de los pilares de la economía cubana.
El factor racial también va a ser determinante en la nueva era para el New York Times. Según el diario, los economistas cubanos dicen que los blancos tienen 2.5 más posibilidades de recibir remesas que los negros, por lo que existen barrios en Cuba –de mayoría negra– que tienen serias dificultades para prosperar por ese motivo. Sin inyección de dinero del extranjero existen pocas opciones de que cualquier negocio salga adelante.
Para Alejandro de la Fuente, director del Instituto de Investigación Afro-Latinoamericano de la Universidad de Harvard, "las remesas han producido nuevas formas de desigualdad, especialmente la desigualdad racial". Y apunta un dato: "Ahora las remesas se utilizan para financiar o crear empresas privadas, es decir, no sólo para financiar el consumo, como en el pasado". Una opinión que contrasta con la del Gobierno cubano, que defiende que la apertura hacia negocios privados le permitirá incrementar sus programas sociales para los más necesitados.
Otra voz discordante es la de Ted Henken, profesor de Sociología y Estudios Latinoamericanos en el Baruch College, que sostiene que la pobreza es un denominador común en muchos países, pero en el caso de Cuba "a medida que aumenta el capitalismo, existen personas que están mejor posicionados para tomar ventaja que otros". Para Henken, citado por el Times, "según Cuba se ha ido convirtiendo en más capitalista, también se ha convertido en más desigual".
Es evidente que muchos barrios están viendo emerger negocios, en su mayoría de cubanos de raza blanca, lo que da lugar a que algunos no reconozcan el lugar en el que han nacido o vivido durante años. Es el caso de una empleada de un hotel turístico en El Vedado, que asegura que "me miro en esos nuevos lugares y no veo a nadie como yo", porque todo ha cambiado en los últimos años con la llegada de dinero. Pero se muestra más claro todavía cuando le preguntan si tiene familiares en el extranjero: "¿Crees que estaría viviendo aquí?", responde.
El diario describe los barrios más pobres de La Habana y explica que la miseria, que el Gobierno cubano no ha podido eliminar ni en sus mejores años, está cada día más lejos de poder erradicarse.
Con la publicación de este artículo, el New York Times continúa tratando el tema de Cuba y sigue posicionándose como uno de los medios norteamericanos más volcados en promover una nueva etapa de relaciones entre ambos países. Este medio editó una serie de editoriales apostando por una vía de diálogo entre Estados Unidos y Cuba en octubre y noviembre de 2014, semanas antes de que Obama y Castro anunciaran el deshielo diplomático después de 55 años.
En esa serie de editoriales se trataron temas como el levantamiento del embargo económico,el intercambio de Alan Gross por los tres espías que aún permanecían encarcelados en suelo norteamericano, los esfuerzos de la USAID para desestabilizar el Gobierno de Castro o el envío de médicos para luchar contra el ébola. En esta ocasión, el diario ha abordado otro aspecto antes no tratado: El de la pobreza y la barrera existente entre los cubanos ricos, en su mayoría emigrantes, y los que viven dentro de la isla.
El lento acercamiento hacia la economía de mercado y los recientes cambios adoptados por la Administración Obama son objeto de un artículo en el diario New York Times, que sostiene que sólo han traído más desigualdad y pobreza para Cuba.
La riqueza, en forma de lujosos restaurantes en los que se sirve filet mignon o pato a la naranja, y los apartamentos de alto standing, conviven con la realidad de Cuba: Casas derruidas y un menú que no suele salirse de los escasos huevos que se pueden comprar y algunos plátanos.
La otra vida, como apunta el Times, está reservada ahora para los cubanoamericanos que regresan para visitar a su familia y que se pueden permitir esos caprichos.
En los lugares donde no existen familiares que envíen remesas, las circunstancias son muy duras para los cubanos. Simplemente no hay dinero, según relata el artículo, y las condiciones de las casas son notablemente peores. "Nadie va a los paladares y mucho menos tiene el dinero para abrir uno", asegura el Times describiendo la vida en estos rincones de la isla.
Por ese motivo, apunta, si Cuba abre la puerta definitivamente a las empresas privadas, la brecha entre los que tienen y los que no tienen –y entre los blancos y los negros– que la Revolución trató de disminuir será más evidente. Más si cabe ahora que Estados Unidos ha incrementado la cantidad de dinero que los cubanoamericanos pueden enviar de $2.000 a $8.000.
Una pareja de jóvenes cubanos hacen su pedido a través del wifi en un negocio privado, en La Habana.Una pareja de jóvenes cubanos hacen su pedido a través del wifi en un negocio privado, en La Habana.
Ese dinero, de acuerdo al diario norteamericano, hará a un grupo de cubanos más ricos, pero convertirá a una gran parte de la población en más pobre también: Se agudizarán las diferencias sociales entre quien tiene nexos con Estados Unidos y quien no. Porque las remesas son, a día de hoy, una de las principales fuentes de ingresos nacionales, estimadas entre 1 y 3 billones de dólares anuales. Junto al turismo, los productos farmacéuticos y las exportaciones de azúcar son uno de los pilares de la economía cubana.
El factor racial también va a ser determinante en la nueva era para el New York Times. Según el diario, los economistas cubanos dicen que los blancos tienen 2.5 más posibilidades de recibir remesas que los negros, por lo que existen barrios en Cuba –de mayoría negra– que tienen serias dificultades para prosperar por ese motivo. Sin inyección de dinero del extranjero existen pocas opciones de que cualquier negocio salga adelante.
Para Alejandro de la Fuente, director del Instituto de Investigación Afro-Latinoamericano de la Universidad de Harvard, "las remesas han producido nuevas formas de desigualdad, especialmente la desigualdad racial". Y apunta un dato: "Ahora las remesas se utilizan para financiar o crear empresas privadas, es decir, no sólo para financiar el consumo, como en el pasado". Una opinión que contrasta con la del Gobierno cubano, que defiende que la apertura hacia negocios privados le permitirá incrementar sus programas sociales para los más necesitados.
Otra voz discordante es la de Ted Henken, profesor de Sociología y Estudios Latinoamericanos en el Baruch College, que sostiene que la pobreza es un denominador común en muchos países, pero en el caso de Cuba "a medida que aumenta el capitalismo, existen personas que están mejor posicionados para tomar ventaja que otros". Para Henken, citado por el Times, "según Cuba se ha ido convirtiendo en más capitalista, también se ha convertido en más desigual".
Es evidente que muchos barrios están viendo emerger negocios, en su mayoría de cubanos de raza blanca, lo que da lugar a que algunos no reconozcan el lugar en el que han nacido o vivido durante años. Es el caso de una empleada de un hotel turístico en El Vedado, que asegura que "me miro en esos nuevos lugares y no veo a nadie como yo", porque todo ha cambiado en los últimos años con la llegada de dinero. Pero se muestra más claro todavía cuando le preguntan si tiene familiares en el extranjero: "¿Crees que estaría viviendo aquí?", responde.
El diario describe los barrios más pobres de La Habana y explica que la miseria, que el Gobierno cubano no ha podido eliminar ni en sus mejores años, está cada día más lejos de poder erradicarse.
Con la publicación de este artículo, el New York Times continúa tratando el tema de Cuba y sigue posicionándose como uno de los medios norteamericanos más volcados en promover una nueva etapa de relaciones entre ambos países. Este medio editó una serie de editoriales apostando por una vía de diálogo entre Estados Unidos y Cuba en octubre y noviembre de 2014, semanas antes de que Obama y Castro anunciaran el deshielo diplomático después de 55 años.
En esa serie de editoriales se trataron temas como el levantamiento del embargo económico,el intercambio de Alan Gross por los tres espías que aún permanecían encarcelados en suelo norteamericano, los esfuerzos de la USAID para desestabilizar el Gobierno de Castro o el envío de médicos para luchar contra el ébola. En esta ocasión, el diario ha abordado otro aspecto antes no tratado: El de la pobreza y la barrera existente entre los cubanos ricos, en su mayoría emigrantes, y los que viven dentro de la isla.
mosquito- Admin
- Messaggi : 16420
Data d'iscrizione : 25.04.12
Località : Bollo.gna
Carattere : el VIEJO puttaniere
Re: Ancora New York Times : con i "cambiamenti",maggiori diseguaglianze sociali e poverta' en la Isla
Da mosquito Mer 25 Feb 2015 - 3:20
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/25/world/americas/as-cuba-shifts-toward-capitalism-inequality-grows-more-visible.html?_r=2
Inequality Becomes More Visible in Cuba as the Economy Shifts
Tattered mansions and luxury apartment blocks speak of old wealth and new. A bounty of private restaurants known as paladares serve pork tenderloin, filet mignon and orange duck to tourists, Cuban-Americans visiting relatives and a growing pool of Cuban entrepreneurs with cash to spend.
These were things Mr. Echevarria, with only a few eggs, some plantains and a handful of rolls in his pantry, would not be having for dinner.
In his neighborhood, a shantytown called El Fanguito (roughly, “Little Swamp”) on the fringe of the Rio Almendares and the margins of society, few people have relatives sending money from abroad, food rations barely last the month, and homes made of corrugated tin, wood scraps and crumbling concrete fail to keep out floodwaters.
Nobody goes to paladares, much less has the money to start one.
“Never,” said Mr. Echevarria, whose livelihood depends on the catch of the day. “I guess I could not even afford the water.”
As Cuba opens the door wider to private enterprise, the gap between the haves and have-nots, and between whites and blacks, that the revolution sought to diminish is growing more evident.
That divide is expected to increase now that the United States is raising the amount of money that Americans can send to residents of the island to $8,000 a year from $2,000, as part of President Obama’s historic thaw with Cuba.
Remittances, estimated at $1 billion to nearly $3 billion a year, are already a big source of the capital behind the new small businesses. The cash infusion has been one of the top drivers of the Cuban economy in recent years, rivaling tourism revenue and mineral, pharmaceutical and sugar exports.
Raising the remittance cap, along with allowing more Americans to visit Cuba and other steps toward normal diplomatic relations, will help “support the Cuban people,” the Obama administration contends.
But some will enjoy that support more than others. Cuban economists say that whites are 2.5 times more likely than blacks to receive remittances, leaving many in crumbling neighborhoods like Little Swamp nearly invisible in the rise of commerce, especially the restaurants and bed-and-breakfasts that tourists tend to favor.
“Remittances have produced new forms of inequality, particularly racial inequality,” said Alejandro de la Fuente, director of the Afro-Latin American Research Institute at Harvard University. “Now the remittances are being used to fund or establish private companies, that is, not just to fund consumption, as in the past.”
The Cuban government argues that the shift to more private enterprise, a pillar of its strategy to bolster the flaccid economy, will allow it to focus its social programs on the neediest. As a billboard on a busy road in Havana proclaims, “The changes in Cuba are for more socialism.”
But many poorer Cubans are frustrated by what they see as the deteriorating welfare state and the advantage that Cubans with access to cash from outside the country have in the new economy.
“As Cuba is becoming more capitalist in the last 20 years, it has also become more unequal,” said Ted Henken, a professor at Baruch College who studies the Cuban economy. “These shantytowns are all over Latin America, and Cuba’s attempt with revolution to solve that inequality succeeded to a certain degree for a time. But as capitalism increases, you have some people more well positioned to take advantage and others who are not.”
At Starbien restaurant, one of the most popular in Havana, the owner, José Raúl Colomé, said it was not unusual for a majority of the clientele to be Cubans who live on the island, rather than tourists or expatriates.
“Some are artists who are doing well or entrepreneurs who have had luck,” Mr. Colomé said. “A lot are tourists, naturally, but we are getting more Cubans who might be called middle class.”
In poorer neighborhoods like Little Swamp, many describe feeling like foreigners in their own city, watching the emerging economy but lacking the means to participate in it.
They note the predominance of white Cubans in the new ventures but broach the subject carefully, noting the gains that the revolution brought to Afro-Cubans in education and health but also the hard economic times that darker-skinned Cubans continue to endure.
“I look in those new places and don’t see anybody like me,” said Marylyn Ramirez, who works at a tourist hotel in the Vedado neighborhood and passes new restaurants on the way to work.
Asked if she received financial help from relatives abroad, she smirked and swept her hand around her small living room, which floods repeatedly in heavy rains.
“If I had that,” she said, “do you think I would be living here?”
After the so-called special period of the 1990s, when the collapse of the Soviet Union plunged Cuba into an economic crisis, thousands of desperate people moved from the countryside to Havana without permission, hoping to find work.
Many still live as virtual refugees in their own country, in neighborhoods like Little Swamp, unable to register for government services like ration books because it is almost impossible to change addresses without prior authorization.
“Erosion of poverty has always been a concern, but they have not managed to eliminate these kinds of neighborhoods in the best years of the Cuban welfare state,” Mr. de la Fuente said, “and it is much less likely they can do it now.”
Many residents mention the free education and health care the government has provided but lament that both seemed better in years past, with shorter lines for care and better teachers. The few poor residents who do receive remittances are known to pay private tutors to ensure that their children advance to upper grades, several people in the neighborhood said.
One resident mentioned a government program that offered refrigerators to those without them, for a price of about $300. But the monthly payments, made with government salaries that are rarely more than $20 a month, can last for years, “longer than the refrigerator lasts,” he said.
Cuba’s two-tier currency puts residents at a further disadvantage. One currency, known as the convertible peso and used for tourism and foreign trade, is pegged to the dollar. But most Cubans are paid in the local peso, worth a fraction of the other. Many consumer goods and other amenities from abroad are paid for in convertible pesos, keeping such comforts out of reach for many.
A government program to build housing has not kept up with demand, and residents often refuse to leave their homes when floodwaters threaten because they fear that squatters will take over or the authorities will not let them return. Jerry-built electrical wiring sprawls along walls and rooftops, a clear fire hazard.
Inequality Becomes More Visible in Cuba as the Economy Shifts
Tattered mansions and luxury apartment blocks speak of old wealth and new. A bounty of private restaurants known as paladares serve pork tenderloin, filet mignon and orange duck to tourists, Cuban-Americans visiting relatives and a growing pool of Cuban entrepreneurs with cash to spend.
These were things Mr. Echevarria, with only a few eggs, some plantains and a handful of rolls in his pantry, would not be having for dinner.
In his neighborhood, a shantytown called El Fanguito (roughly, “Little Swamp”) on the fringe of the Rio Almendares and the margins of society, few people have relatives sending money from abroad, food rations barely last the month, and homes made of corrugated tin, wood scraps and crumbling concrete fail to keep out floodwaters.
Nobody goes to paladares, much less has the money to start one.
“Never,” said Mr. Echevarria, whose livelihood depends on the catch of the day. “I guess I could not even afford the water.”
As Cuba opens the door wider to private enterprise, the gap between the haves and have-nots, and between whites and blacks, that the revolution sought to diminish is growing more evident.
That divide is expected to increase now that the United States is raising the amount of money that Americans can send to residents of the island to $8,000 a year from $2,000, as part of President Obama’s historic thaw with Cuba.
Remittances, estimated at $1 billion to nearly $3 billion a year, are already a big source of the capital behind the new small businesses. The cash infusion has been one of the top drivers of the Cuban economy in recent years, rivaling tourism revenue and mineral, pharmaceutical and sugar exports.
Raising the remittance cap, along with allowing more Americans to visit Cuba and other steps toward normal diplomatic relations, will help “support the Cuban people,” the Obama administration contends.
But some will enjoy that support more than others. Cuban economists say that whites are 2.5 times more likely than blacks to receive remittances, leaving many in crumbling neighborhoods like Little Swamp nearly invisible in the rise of commerce, especially the restaurants and bed-and-breakfasts that tourists tend to favor.
“Remittances have produced new forms of inequality, particularly racial inequality,” said Alejandro de la Fuente, director of the Afro-Latin American Research Institute at Harvard University. “Now the remittances are being used to fund or establish private companies, that is, not just to fund consumption, as in the past.”
The Cuban government argues that the shift to more private enterprise, a pillar of its strategy to bolster the flaccid economy, will allow it to focus its social programs on the neediest. As a billboard on a busy road in Havana proclaims, “The changes in Cuba are for more socialism.”
But many poorer Cubans are frustrated by what they see as the deteriorating welfare state and the advantage that Cubans with access to cash from outside the country have in the new economy.
“As Cuba is becoming more capitalist in the last 20 years, it has also become more unequal,” said Ted Henken, a professor at Baruch College who studies the Cuban economy. “These shantytowns are all over Latin America, and Cuba’s attempt with revolution to solve that inequality succeeded to a certain degree for a time. But as capitalism increases, you have some people more well positioned to take advantage and others who are not.”
At Starbien restaurant, one of the most popular in Havana, the owner, José Raúl Colomé, said it was not unusual for a majority of the clientele to be Cubans who live on the island, rather than tourists or expatriates.
“Some are artists who are doing well or entrepreneurs who have had luck,” Mr. Colomé said. “A lot are tourists, naturally, but we are getting more Cubans who might be called middle class.”
In poorer neighborhoods like Little Swamp, many describe feeling like foreigners in their own city, watching the emerging economy but lacking the means to participate in it.
They note the predominance of white Cubans in the new ventures but broach the subject carefully, noting the gains that the revolution brought to Afro-Cubans in education and health but also the hard economic times that darker-skinned Cubans continue to endure.
“I look in those new places and don’t see anybody like me,” said Marylyn Ramirez, who works at a tourist hotel in the Vedado neighborhood and passes new restaurants on the way to work.
Asked if she received financial help from relatives abroad, she smirked and swept her hand around her small living room, which floods repeatedly in heavy rains.
“If I had that,” she said, “do you think I would be living here?”
After the so-called special period of the 1990s, when the collapse of the Soviet Union plunged Cuba into an economic crisis, thousands of desperate people moved from the countryside to Havana without permission, hoping to find work.
Many still live as virtual refugees in their own country, in neighborhoods like Little Swamp, unable to register for government services like ration books because it is almost impossible to change addresses without prior authorization.
“Erosion of poverty has always been a concern, but they have not managed to eliminate these kinds of neighborhoods in the best years of the Cuban welfare state,” Mr. de la Fuente said, “and it is much less likely they can do it now.”
Many residents mention the free education and health care the government has provided but lament that both seemed better in years past, with shorter lines for care and better teachers. The few poor residents who do receive remittances are known to pay private tutors to ensure that their children advance to upper grades, several people in the neighborhood said.
One resident mentioned a government program that offered refrigerators to those without them, for a price of about $300. But the monthly payments, made with government salaries that are rarely more than $20 a month, can last for years, “longer than the refrigerator lasts,” he said.
Cuba’s two-tier currency puts residents at a further disadvantage. One currency, known as the convertible peso and used for tourism and foreign trade, is pegged to the dollar. But most Cubans are paid in the local peso, worth a fraction of the other. Many consumer goods and other amenities from abroad are paid for in convertible pesos, keeping such comforts out of reach for many.
A government program to build housing has not kept up with demand, and residents often refuse to leave their homes when floodwaters threaten because they fear that squatters will take over or the authorities will not let them return. Jerry-built electrical wiring sprawls along walls and rooftops, a clear fire hazard.
mosquito- Admin
- Messaggi : 16420
Data d'iscrizione : 25.04.12
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